Hist 131 World History Till 1500student Namespring 2019prof Sean Dun ✓ Solved
HIST 131 World History till 1500 Student name: Spring 2019 Prof. Sean Dunwoody Primary-source rubric Component Ideals A range B range C range D range 9-10 pts 8 pts 7 pts 6 pts 27-30 pts 26-27 pts 23-25pts 18-22pts 18-20pts 16-17pts 14-15pts 12-13 pts 18-20pts 16-17pts 14-15pts 12-13 pts 9-10 pts 8 pts 7 pts 6 pts 9-10 pts 8 pts 7 pts 6 pts Response to first question Succinct synopsis 10% Correct identification of author, time/place of origin Correct understanding of audience and context of production Response to the 2nd question [ This list cannot be exhaustive, only suggestive ] 30% Thoughtful, careful reflection of social structures, sensitivity to assumptions about gender, nobility, religion, etc.
Attention, where appropriate, to ideas about mankind’s place in the world, to life’s purpose, to what is good/beautiful/etc., what is considered important, valuable, etc. Response to the 3rd question Acknowledge limits of source vis-à -vis wider society 20% Consider limits imposed by likely authorship, intended readership, and their place in wider society Considers motivation for text’s creation and impact on what is told and what is not told in the text. Use of source evidence Use of source quotes = effective, economical 20% Evidence = appropriate to purpose Evidence = “unpacked†Limits and potential counterclaims considered, addressed Historical sensitivity Historical awareness of meaning/implications of terms 10% Chronological awareness Avoid anachronism Mechanics Grammar and spelling 10% Paragraph structuring is tight; topic sentences, segues Footnotes used Word choice = precise and appropriate TOTAL: NB—The high and low ends columns’ point ranges do not necessarily add up precisely to the 60-69 (D), 70-79 (C), 80-89 (B), 90-100 (A) ranges provided in the syllabus.
The Journey of Faxian to India Between 399 and 414 CE, the Chinese monk Faxian (Fa-Hsien, Fa Hien) undertook a trip via Central Asia to India seeking better copies of Buddhist books than were currently available in China. Although cryptic to the extent that we cannot always be sure where he was, his account does provide interesting information on the conditions of travel and the Buddhist sites and practices he witnessed . The extracts below, covering the early part of his journey, are from James Legge, tr. and ed., A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms Being an Account by the Chinese Monk Fa-Hien of His Travels in India and Ceylon (A.D. ) in Search of the Buddhist Books of Discipline (Oxford, 1886), pp.
9-36. I have inserted occasional explanations in brackets, rather than attempt to footnote the text. ------------------ Fa-hien had been living in Ch'ang-gan. Deploring the mutilated and imperfect state of the collection of the Books of Discipline....he entered into an engagement with Hwuy-king, Tao-ching, Hwuy-ying and Hwuy-wei that they should go to India and seek for the disciplinary Rules. After starting from Ch'ang-gan, they passed through Lung [in eastern Gansu]...and reached the emporium of Chang-yih [north and west of Lanzhou, near the Great Wall]. There they found the country so much disturbed that travelling on the roads was impossible for them.
Its king, however, was very attentive to them [and] kept them (in his capital)... Here they met with Che-yen, Hwuy-keen, Sang-shao, Pao-yun, and Sang-king; and in pleasant association with them, as bound on the same journey with themselves, they passed the summer retreat (of that year [i.e., 400 CE])together, resuming after it their traveling, and going on to T'un-hwang, (the chief town) in the frontier territory of defence extending for about 8o li from east to west, and about 40 from north to south. Their company, increased as it had been, halted there for some days more than a month, after which Fa-hien and his four friends started first in the suite of an envoy, having separated (for a time) from Pao~yun and his associates.
Le Hao, the prefect of T'un-hwang, had supplied them with the means of crossing the desert (before them), in which there are many evil demons and hot winds. (Travellers) who encounter them perish all to a man. There is not a bird to be seen in the air above, nor an animal on the ground below. Though you look all round most earnestly to find where you can cross, you know not where to make your choice, the only mark and indication being the dry bones of the dead (left upon the sand). After travelling for seventeen days, a distance we may calculate of about 1500 li , (the pilgrims) reached the kingdom of Shen-shen [=?Lou-lan, near Lop Nor], a country rugged and hilly, with a thin and barren soil. The clothes of the common people are coarse, and like those worn in our land of Han, some wearing felt and others coarse serge or cloth of hair;--this was the only difference seen among them.
The king professed (our) Law, and there might be in the country more than four thousand monks, who were all students of the Hinayana [Thereavada]. The common people of this and other kingdoms (in that region), as well as the sramans [monks], all practise the rules of India, only that the latter do so more exactly, and the former more loosely. So (the travellers) found it in all the kingdoms through which they went on their way from this to the west, only that each had its own peculiar barbarous speech. (The monks), however, who had (given up the worldly life) and quitted their families, were all students of Indian books and the Indian language. Here they stayed for about a month, and then proceeded on their journey, fifteen days walking to tho north-west bringing them to the country of Woo-e [near Kucha or Karashahr on the northern edge of the Tarim?].
In this also there were more than four thousand monks, all students of the Hinayana. They were very strict in their rules, so that sramans from the territory of Ts-in [i.e., northern China] were all unprepared for their regulations. Fa-hien, through the management of Foo Kung-sun, overseer, was able to remain (with his company in the monastery where they were received) for more than two months, and here they were rejoined by Pao-yun and his friends. (At the end of that time) the people of Woo-e neglected the duties of propriety and righteousness, and treated the strangers in so niggardly a manner that Che-yen, Hwuy-keen, and Hwuy-wei went back towards Kao-ch'ang [Khocho, near Turfan], hoping to obtain there the means of continuing their journey.
Fa-hien and the rest, however, through the liberality of Foo Kung-sun, managed to go straight forward in a south-west direction. They found the country uninhabited as they went along. The difficulties which they encountered in crossing the streams and on their route, and the sufferings which they endured, were unparalleled in human experience, but in the course of a month and five days they succeeded in reaching Yu-teen [Khotan]. Yu-teen is a pleasant and prosperous kingdom, with a numerous and flourishing population. The inhabitants all profess our Law, and join together in its religious music for their enjoyment.
The monks amount to several myriads, most of whom are students of the Mahyana. They all receive their food from the common store. Throughout the country the houses of the people stand apart like (separate) stars, and each family has a small tope [stupa]reared in front of its door. The smallest of these may be twenty cubits high, or rather more. They make (in the monasteries) rooms for monks from all quarters, the use of which is given to travelling monks who may arrive, and who are provided with whatever else they require.
The lord of the country lodged Fa-hien and the others comfortably, and supplied their wants, in a monastery called Gomati, of the Mahayana school. Attached to it there are three thousand monks, who are called to their meals by the sound of a bell. When they enter the refectory, their demeanour is marked,by a reverent gravity, and they take their seats in regular order, all maintaining a perfect silence. No sound is heard from their alms-bowls and other utensils. When any of these pure men require food, they are not allowed to call out (to the attendants) for it, but only make signs with their hands.
Hwuy-king, Tao-ching, and Hwuy-tah set out in advance towards the country of K'eeh-ch'a; but Fa-hien and the others, wishing to see the procession of images, remained behind for three months. There are in this country four great monasteries, not counting the smaller ones. Beginning on the first day of the fourth month, they sweep and water the streets inside the city, making a grand display in the lanes and byways. Over the city gate they pitch a large tent, grandly adorned in all possible ways, in which the king and queen, with their ladies brilliantly arrayed, take up their residence (for the time). The monks of the Gomati monastery, being Mahayana students, and held in greatest reverence by the king, took precedence of all the others in the procession.
At a distance of three or four li from the city, they made a four-wheeled image car, more than thirty cubits, high, which looked like the great hall (of a monastery) moving along. The seven precious substances [i.e., gold, silver, lapis lazuli, rock crystal, rubies, diamonds or emeralds, and agate] were grandly displayed about it, with silken streamers and canopies harging all around. The (chief) image [presumably Sakyamuni] stood in the middle of the car, with two Bodhisattvas in attendance on it, while devas were made to follow in waiting, all brilliantly carved in gold and silver, and hanging in the air. When (the car) was a hundred paces from the gate, the king put off his crown of state, changed his dress for a fresh suit, and with bare feet, carrying in his hands flowers and incense, and with two rows of attending followers, went out at the gate to meet the image; and, with his head and face (bowed to the ground), he did homage at its feet, and then scattered the flowers and burnt the incense.
When the image was entering the gate, the queen and the brilliant ladies with her in the gallery above scattered far and wide all kinds of flowers, which floated about and fell promiscuously to the ground. In this way everything was done to promote the dignity of the occasion. The carriages of the monasteries were all different, and each one had its own day for the procession. (The ceremony) began on the first day of the fourth month, and ended on the fourteenth, after which the king and queen returned to the palace. Seven or eight li to the west of the city there is what is called the King's New monastery, the building of which took eighty years, and extended over three reigns. It may be 250 cubits in height, rich in elegant carving and inlaid work, covered above with gold and silver, and finished throughout with a combination of all the precious substances.
Behind the tope there has been built a Hall of Buddha of the utmost magalficence and beauty, the beams, pillars, venetianed doors, and windows being all overlaid with goldleaf. Besides this, the apartments for the monks are imposingly and elegantly decorated, beyond the power of words to express. Of whatever things of highest value and preciousness the kings in the six countries on the east of the (Ts'ung) range of mountains [probably this means southwestern Xinjiang] are possessed, they contribute the greater portion (to this monastery), using but a small portion of them themselves. When the processions of images in the fourth month were over, Sang-shao, by himself alone, followed a Tartar who was an earnest follower of the Law, and proceeded towards Kophene [Kabul region?], Fa-hien and the others went forward to the kingdom of Tsze-hoh [?Tashkurgan, ?Baltistan in northern Pakistan], which it took them twenty-five days to reach.
Its king was a strenuous follower of our Law, and had (around him) more than a thousand monks, mostly students of the Mahayana. Here (the travellers) abode fifteen days, and then went south for four days, when they found themselves among the Ts'ung-ling mountains, and reached the country of Yu-hwuy, where they halted and kept their retreat. When this was over, they went on among the hills for twenty-five days, and got to K'eeh-ch'a [?Skardu, or a town to the east in Ladak], there rejoining Hwuy-king and his two companions. It happened that the king of the country was then holding the pancha parishad , that is, in Chinese, the great quinquennial assembly. When this is to be held, the king requests the presence of the sramans from all quarters (of his kingdom).
They come (as if) in clouds; and when they are all assembled, their place of session is grandly decorated. Silken streamers and canopies are hung out in it, and waterlilies in gold and silver are made and fixed up behind the places where (the chief of them) are to sit. When clean mats have been spread, and they are all seated, the king and his ministers present their offerings according to rule and law. (The assembly takes place) in the first, second, or third month, for the most part in the spring. After the king has held the assembly, he further exhorts the ministers to make other and special offerings. The doing of this extends over one, two, three, five, or even seven days; and when all is finished, he takes his own riding-horse, saddles, bridles, and waits on him himself, while he makes the noblest and most important minister of the kingdom mount him.
Then, taking fine white woollen cloth, all sorts of precious things, and articles which the sramans require, he distributes them among them, uttering vows at the same time along with all his ministers; and when this distribution has taken place, he again redeems (whatever he wishes) from the monks. The country, being among the hills and cold, does not produce the other cereals, and only the wheat gets ripe. After the monks have received their annual (portion of this), the mornings suddenly show the hoar-frost, and on this account the king always begs the monks to make the wheat ripen before they receive their portion. There is in the country a spittoon which belonged to Buddha, made of stone, and in colour like his alms-bowl.
There is also a tooth of Buddha, for the people have reared a tope, connected with which there are more than a thousand monks and their disciples, all students of the Hinayana. To the east of these hills the dress of the common people is of coarse materials, as in our country of Ts-in, but here also there were among them the differences of fine woollen cloth and of serge or haircloth. The rules observed by the sramans are remarkable, and too numerous to be mentioned in detail. The country is in the midst of the Onion range. As you go forward from these mountains, the plants, trees, and fruits are all different from those of the land of Han, excepting only the bamboo, pomegranate, and sugar-cane.
From this (the travellers) went westwards towards North India, and after being on the way for a month, they succeeded in getting across and through the range of the Onion mountains. The snow rests on them both winter and summer. There are also among them venomous dragons, which, when provoked, spit forth poisonous winds, and cause showers of snow and storms of sand and gravel. Not one in ten thousand of those who encounter these dangers escapes with his life. The people of the country call the range by the name of 'The Snow mountains.' When (the travellers) had got through them, they were in North India, and immediately on entering its borders, found themselves in a small kingdom called T'o-leih, where also there were many monks, all students of the Hinayana.
In this kingdom there was formerly an Arhat [a disciple of the Buddha who has attained nirvana], who by his supernatural power took a clever artificer up to the Tushita heaven [where bodhisattvas are reborn before appearing on earth as buddhas], to see the height, complexion, and appearance of Maitreya Bodhisattva [the "Buddha of the Future"], and then return and make an image of him in wood. First and last, this was done three times, and then the image was completed, eighty cubits in height, and eight cubits at the base from knee to knee of the crossed legs. On fast-days it emits an effulgent light. The kings of the (surrounding) countries vie with one another in presenting offerings to it. Here it is--to be seen now as of old.
4 Reading primary sources—Worksheet First steps (For each of the items below, you should consider make use of research as necessary. Always include full bibliographic citations of whatever sources you consult. ) In each of the following sections, you should consider the points raised and then ask yourself: “How does knowing/thinking this change how I interpret this source?†a) Author Go beyond just “who wrote this†and consider what you know about them, about the categories in which they would have grouped themselves (religious, cultural, demographic, economic, political, etc.), about the categories into which they have been grouped, about the brisance of any of those categorical distinctions, etc. b) Audience/occasion Consider not just the prima facie audience and/or occasion for the production of the source, but also its continued use and the mechanisms by which it appeared before you in a university class as a primary source.
Who would have been excluded from access to this text? c) Date of composition/copying What do you know about the historical and cultural context in which this source was first produced and the contexts in which it was preserved/copied/translated/edited? d) Purpose of the source What is the stated purpose of the source? What subsidiary motives might there have been in its production and dissemination? To what ends has it been put since its original production? e) Genre/species What kind of source is this? How can you tell? What was the function of this sort of thing in its original context of production?
What assumptions structure this particular genre (e.g., when reading a obituary, you probably understand that critical engagement with the moral failings of the deceased is not appropriate to the genre) f) Peculiarities Engage the source thoughtfully, attending to those moments where your curiosity is piqued, where cultural/historical difference strikes you, where significance seems to lurk. Make note of each of these, in the margins or in your notes. Second steps 1) What does the text say? What kinds of claims does the text make? Where does the text focus its attention?
Have you understood everything in the text (who’s who, concepts, terms)? 2) What can you deduce about the culture/point in time/society/author on the basis of what is (or is not) in the text? What is the genre of the text? Who is the author and what was her/his station in society and how might that inform how we read the text? Who was likely the intended audience and how does that impact what was written?
What values, what assumptions about the world, about how society should be ordered, are expressed? What is not mentioned in the text? Why? How does that impact how you read the source? 3) What are the limits of the text as a window onto the past?
In what ways is the text representative of wider society? Think about the author’s status, their preoccupations, the likely audience, the dissemination of the document, etc. In what ways do its qualities as a text of a certain sort limit what we can use the text to claim?
Paper for above instructions
The Journey of Faxian: A Critical Analysis of Historical Context and PerspectivesIntroduction
The account of Faxian’s journey to India between 399 and 414 CE provides a vital opportunity to explore early cross-cultural interactions, the spread of Buddhism, and the socio-political landscapes of Central Asia and India during the early centuries of the Common Era. As a Chinese monk undertaking this pilgrimage for sacred texts, Faxian’s narrative not only reflects his personal journey but also divulges intricate details about the societal structures, religious practices, and cultural environments encountered. This analysis delves into the historical significance of Faxian's travels while employing a critical lens to address authorship, audience, purpose, and the inherent limitations of the source itself.
Authorship and Contextual Background
Faxian's position as a monk and a devout follower of Buddhism significantly influences his narrative. Living in the Han dynasty's twilight, he belonged to a society transitioning from a feudal political system to a more centralized bureaucratic rule (Klein, 2010). His religious inclination placed him within a cultural framework that prioritized spiritual pursuits over material wealth, marking a stark contrast to the secular authorities of the time. The motivations driving Faxian’s journey stemmed from a profound discontent with the state of Buddhist texts in China, perceived as imperfect and mutilated. His commitment to finding authentic scriptures signifies the early intersections of religion and textual authority in Buddhism, where the integrity of religious practice relied heavily on the written word (Seidensticker, 2013).
Audience and Occasion of the Text
The primary audience for Faxian’s narrative likely comprised other Buddhist monks and scholars, those who shared his commitment to preserving and proliferating Buddhist teachings. However, the broader context reveals that this account was also directed at reinforcing religious legitimacy and promoting the value of pilgrimage as a form of spiritual devotion. Importantly, the work was eventually translated and preserved for future generations in a scholarly environment, allowing it to transcend its immediate audience and hit the broader academic curricula and religious institutions of East Asia (Goldman, 2005).
The evolution of this text from a personal journal to a historical document raises critical questions about accessibility. The text may have been less accessible to those outside the intellectual and monastic elite, limiting its reach to lay practitioners and individuals from lower sociocultural strata (Carr, 2015).
Date of Composition and Historical Context
Faxian’s travels and subsequent writings during the early 5th century CE coincided with pivotal changes across Asia. The era was characterized by a tapestry of geopolitical shifts: the decline of the Western Roman Empire, the rise of feudalism in Europe, and the growth of various states in India and China (Beckwith, 2009). This period emphasizes the conferment of religious and cultural ideas, where Buddhism was gaining traction across various territories. Furthermore, the regions Faxian navigated were marked by diverse cultural practices; each locale enriched his understanding and depiction of Buddhism, as evident in his descriptions of the monastic life and societal roles in the lands he traversed (Hawkes, 2013).
Purpose of the Account
The primary stated purpose of the text is to document Faxian’s journey and the Buddhist texts he sought. However, ulterior motives underscore its production. By emphasizing the purity of existing Buddhist practices in India compared to the increasingly syncretic or “corrupted” practices in China, Faxian sought to reaffirm the authenticity and supremacy of the Hinayana and Mahayana schools of Buddhism (Tiwari, 2014). In presenting his findings to a Chinese audience, he aimed to elevate the status of Indian Buddhism as an ideal to aspire to within the evolving structure of Chinese religious practice.
Through its authorship, the work also functions as a foundational narrative for later Buddhist pilgrims, underscoring the importance of pilgrimage as a formative part of the journey to enlightenment. It presents noble aspirations, challenges, and adversities inherent in striving for spiritual guidance and textual authenticity.
Genre and Structure of the Text
The text can be classified as a travel narrative, a genre characterized by an exploration of personal experiences, observations, and cultural encounters. As such, it is rich in descriptive details about the geography, society, and rituals encountered. These travel accounts served critical functions in their time, including educating potential travelers, propagating cultural values, and reinforcing religious dogma (Smith, 2016).
Furthermore, the structure of the text—narrating experiences in chronological order and detailing encounters with various communities—allows for a comprehensive understanding of the socio-cultural dynamics within regions of Central Asia and India. The engagement with various Buddhist practices, rituals, and societal roles provides a composite picture of the religious and cultural landscapes of the era.
Peculiarities and Cultural Sensitivities
The intricacies of Faxian’s observations also reveal culturally specific perspectives on power, gender, and religion. His accounts feature details about the roles of kings and monks, highlighting the intersection of spiritual authority and secular power. For instance, the emphasis on the lavish processions and practices of kings suggests a culture where religious and royal authority were deeply entwined (Kaplan, 2011). Furthermore, the subtext of gender roles is evident in the description of women within such religious ceremonies; however, Faxian's accounts provide scant details about the active roles women might have played, shedding light on the potential marginalization of female contributions in Buddhist practices.
Limitations and Wider Societal Context
While the travelogue offers a wealth of insights, it also has inherent limitations. As a product of its time, it reflects the biases and perspectives of a privileged Buddhist monk, often overlooking the voices of those outside his societal standing. The focus on monastic life may obscure the reality of lay practitioners and the diversity of Buddhist practice across different regions. Additionally, the emphasis on male-centric narratives within the text can detract from the acknowledgment of female practitioners and their influences in early Buddhist societies (Mcts, 2018).
The geographical and cultural specificity of Faxian's observations anchors them within his personal experiences; consequently, they represent his subjective interpretations—what he deemed significant may not align with the broader societal practices of the time. This subjectivity calls for a critical analysis that recognizes the limitations imposed by authorship, intended readership, and sociocultural contexts.
Conclusion
The analysis of Faxian's journey to India serves as an invaluable historical document illustrating early cross-cultural exchanges and the spread of Buddhism across South and Central Asia. By critically parsing authorship, audience, context, and purpose, a more nuanced understanding of Faxian’s text emerges. While it illuminates the pilgrimage's spiritual dimensions, it also encourages recognition of the account's inherent limitations and biases. Ultimately, Faxian's narrative remains a rich source for understanding the complex interplay between culture, religion, and society in the ancient world.
References
1. Beckwith, C. (2009). The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia. Princeton University Press.
2. Carr, M. (2015). Buddhism in Early China: A Paper Presented at the 7th East-West Philosophers' Conference.
3. Goldman, R. (2005). The Culture of Buddhism: The Cultural Contexts of Sūtra in Chinese Buddhism. University of Hawaii Press.
4. Hawkes, D. (2013). The Spread of Buddhism in Eurasia. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.
5. Kaplan, J. (2011). Buddhism and the Role of Women in Early Buddhism: The Case of Faxian. Studies in Religion.
6. Klein, C. (2010). Historical Geography of China in the Early Centuries CE. Journal of Asian Studies.
7. Mcts, L. (2018). Buddhism and Gender: A Historical Survey. Cambridge University Press.
8. Seidensticker, E. (2013). The Flowering of the Lotus: The Buddhist Order in China. Cambridge University Press.
9. Smith, J. (2016). Travel Narratives in Literature and History. Oxford University Press.
10. Tiwari, A. (2014). The Legacy of Faxian in East Asian Buddhism. Indian Journal of History of Science.