Lyceum Addressas One Of Abraham Lincolns Earliest Published Speeches ✓ Solved
Lyceum Address As one of Abraham Lincoln's earliest published speeches, this address has been much scrutinized and debated by historians, who see broad implications for his later public policies. Lincoln was 28 years old at the time he gave this speech and had recently moved from a struggling pioneer village to Springfield, Illinois. William Herndon, who would become Lincoln's law partner in 1844, describes the event this way: "we had a society in Springfield, which contained and commanded all the culture and talent of the place. Unlike the other one its meetings were public, and reflected great credit on the community ... The speech was brought out by the burning in St.
Louis a few weeks before, by a mob, of a negro. Lincoln took this incident as a sort of text for his remarks ... The address was published in the Sangamon Journal and created for the young orator a reputation which soon extended beyond the limits of the locality in which he lived." The Perpetuation of Our Political Institutions: Address Before the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois January 27, 1838 As a subject for the remarks of the evening, the perpetuation of our political institutions, is selected. (The following are excerpts from Lincoln’s speech) When men take it in their heads to day, to hang gamblers, or burn murderers, they should recollect, that, in the confusion usually attending such transactions, they will be as likely to hang or burn some one who is neither a gambler nor a murderer as one who is; and that, acting upon the example they set, the mob of to-morrow, may, and probably will, hang or burn some of them by the very same mistake.
And not only so; the innocent, those who have ever set their faces against violations of law in every shape, alike with the guilty, fall victims to the ravages of mob law; and thus it goes on, step by step, till all the walls erected for the defense of the persons and property of individuals, are trodden down, and disregarded. But all this even, is not the full extent of the evil.--By such examples, by instances of the perpetrators of such acts going unpunished, the lawless in spirit, are encouraged to become lawless in practice; and having been used to no restraint, but dread of punishment, they thus become, absolutely unrestrained.--Having ever regarded Government as their deadliest bane, they make a jubilee of the suspension of its operations; and pray for nothing so much, as its total annihilation.
While, on the other hand, good men, men who love tranquility, who desire to abide by the laws, and enjoy their benefits, who would gladly spill their blood in the defense of their country; seeing their property destroyed; their families insulted, and their lives endangered; their persons injured; and seeing nothing in prospect that forebodes a change for the better; become tired of, and disgusted with, a Government that offers them no protection; and are not much averse to a change in which they imagine they have nothing to lose. Thus, then, by the operation of this mobocractic spirit, which all must admit, is now abroad in the land, the strongest bulwark of any Government, and particularly of those constituted like ours, may effectually be broken down and destroyed--I mean the attachment of the People.
Whenever this effect shall be produced among us; whenever the vicious portion of population shall be permitted to gather in bands of hundreds and thousands, and burn churches, ravage and rob provision-stores, throw printing presses into rivers, shoot editors, and hang and burn obnoxious persons at pleasure, and with impunity; depend on it, this Government cannot last. By such things, the feelings of the best citizens will become more or less alienated from it; and thus it will be left without friends, or with too few, and those few too weak, to make their friendship effectual. At such a time and under such circumstances, men of sufficient talent and ambition will not be wanting to seize the opportunity, strike the blow, and overturn that fair fabric, which for the last half century, has been the fondest hope, of the lovers of freedom, throughout the world. ……………….
When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of all the laws, let me not be understood as saying there are no bad laws, nor that grievances may not arise, for the redress of which, no legal provisions have been made.--I mean to say no such thing. But I do mean to say, that, although bad laws, if they exist, should be repealed as soon as possible, still while they continue in force, for the sake of example, they should be religiously observed. So also in unprovided cases. If such arise, let proper legal provisions be made for them with the least possible delay; but, till then, let them, if not too intolerable, be borne with. There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress by mob law.
In any case that arises, as for instance, the promulgation of abolitionism, one of two positions is necessarily true; that is, the thing is right within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of all law and all good citizens; or, it is wrong, and therefore proper to be prohibited by legal enactments; and in neither case, is the interposition of mob law, either necessary, justifiable, or excusable. Excerpts from Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s Letter from a Birmingham jail, 1963: 1. But more basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. 2.
Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly.
Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds. 3. Then, last September, came the opportunity to talk with leaders of Birmingham's economic community. In the course of the negotiations, certain promises were made by the merchants--for example, to remove the stores' humiliating racial signs.
As the weeks and months went by, we realized that we were the victims of a broken promise. A few signs, briefly removed, returned; the others remained. As in so many past experiences, our hopes had been blasted, and the shadow of deep disappointment settled upon us. We had no alternative except to prepare for direct action, whereby we would present our very bodies as a means of laying our case before the conscience of the local and the national community. Mindful of the difficulties involved, we decided to undertake a process of self purification.
We began a series of workshops on nonviolence, and we repeatedly asked ourselves: "Are you able to accept blows without retaliating?" "Are you able to endure the ordeal of jail?" 4. Now, what is the difference between the two? How does one determine whether a law is just or unjust? A just law is a man made code that squares with the moral law or the law of God. An unjust law is a code that is out of harmony with the moral law.
To put it in the terms of St. Thomas Aquinas: An unjust law is a human law that is not rooted in eternal law and natural law. Any law that uplifts human personality is just. Any law that degrades human personality is unjust. All segregation statutes are unjust because segregation distorts the soul and damages the personality.
Hence segregation is not only politically, economically and sociologically unsound, it is morally wrong and sinful. Paul Tillich has said that sin is separation. Is not segregation an existential expression of man's tragic separation, his awful estrangement, his terrible sinfulness? Thus it is that I can urge men to obey the 1954 decision of the Supreme Court, for it is morally right; and I can urge them to disobey segregation ordinances, for they are morally wrong. 5.
Let us consider a more concrete example of just and unjust laws. An unjust law is a code that a numerical or power majority group compels a minority group to obey but does not make binding on itself. This is difference made legal. By the same token, a just law is a code that a majority compels a minority to follow and that it is willing to follow itself. This is sameness made legal.
Let me give another explanation. A law is unjust if it is inflicted on a minority that, as a result of being denied the right to vote, had no part in enacting or devising the law. Who can say that the legislature of Alabama which set up that state's segregation laws was democratically elected? Throughout Alabama all sorts of devious methods are used to prevent Negroes from becoming registered voters, and there are some counties in which, even though Negroes constitute a majority of the population, not a single Negro is registered. Can any law enacted under such circumstances be considered democratically structured?
6. Sometimes a law is just on its face and unjust in its application. For instance, I have been arrested on a charge of parading without a permit. Now, there is nothing wrong in having an ordinance which requires a permit for a parade. But such an ordinance becomes unjust when it is used to maintain segregation and to deny citizens the First-Amendment privilege of peaceful assembly and protest 7.
I hope you are able to see the distinction I am trying to point out. In no sense do I advocate evading or defying the law, as would the rabid segregationist. That would lead to anarchy. One who breaks an unjust law must do so openly, lovingly, and with a willingness to accept the penalty . I submit that an individual who breaks a law that conscience tells him is unjust, and who willingly accepts the penalty of imprisonment in order to arouse the conscience of the community over its injustice, is in reality expressing the highest respect for law.
8. Of course, there is nothing new about this kind of civil disobedience. It was practiced superbly by the early Christians, who were willing to face hungry lions and the excruciating pain of chopping blocks rather than submit to certain unjust laws of the Roman Empire. To a degree, academic freedom is a reality today because Socrates practiced civil disobedience. In our own nation, the Boston Tea Party represented a massive act of civil disobedience.
9. We should never forget that everything Adolf Hitler did in Germany was "legal" and everything the Hungarian freedom fighters did in Hungary was "illegal." It was "illegal" to aid and comfort a Jew in Hitler's Germany. Even so, I am sure that, had I lived in Germany at the time, I would have aided and comforted my Jewish brothers. If today I lived in a Communist country where certain principles dear to the Christian faith are suppressed, I would openly advocate disobeying that country's antireligious laws. 10.
Oppressed people cannot remain oppressed forever. The yearning for freedom eventually manifests itself, and that is what has happened to the American Negro. If one recognizes this vital urge that has engulfed the Negro community, one should readily understand why public demonstrations are taking place. The Negro has many pent up resentments and latent frustrations, and he must release them. So let him march; let him make prayer pilgrimages to the city hall; let him go on freedom rides -and try to understand why he must do so.
If his repressed emotions are not released in nonviolent ways, they will seek expression through violence; this is not a threat but a fact of history. So I have not said to my people: "Get rid of your discontent." Rather, I have tried to say that this normal and healthy discontent can be channeled into the creative outlet of nonviolent direct action. And now this approach is being termed extremist. But though I was initially disappointed at being categorized as an extremist, as I continued to think about the matter I gradually gained a measure of satisfaction from the label. Was not Jesus an extremist for love: "Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you." Was not Amos an extremist for justice: "Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like an ever flowing stream." Was not Paul an extremist for the Christian gospel: "I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus." Was not Martin Luther an extremist: "Here I stand; I cannot do otherwise, so help me God." And John Bunyan: "I will stay in jail to the end of my days before I make a butchery of my conscience." And Abraham Lincoln: "This nation cannot survive half slave and half free." And Thomas Jefferson: "We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal . . .
" So the question is not whether we will be extremists, but what kind of extremists we will be. Will we be extremists for hate or for love? Will we be extremists for the preservation of injustice or for the extension of justice ? Perhaps the South, the nation and the world are in dire need of creative extremists I hope this letter finds you strong in the faith. I also hope that circumstances will soon make it possible for me to meet each of you, not as an integrationist or a civil-rights leader but as a fellow clergyman and a Christian brother.
Let us all hope that the dark clouds of racial prejudice will soon pass away and the deep fog of misunderstanding will be lifted from our fear drenched communities, and in some not too distant tomorrow the radiant stars of love and brotherhood will shine over our great nation with all their scintillating beauty. Yours for the cause of Peace and Brotherhood, Martin Luther King, Jr. Published in: King, Martin Luther Jr. Questions to consider: a. In paragraph #2 explain Dr.
King’s statement regarding injustice. b. In paragraph #3 compare Dr. King’s statement to that expressed by Patrick Henry’s (Give me liberty or give me death) statement during the American Revolution. c. Review paragraphs #4-7 concerning just vs. unjust laws. Do you agree with Dr.
King’s reasoning for obeying certain laws but disobeying others? Explain. To what is Dr. King referring to in paragraph #4 when he cites the 1954 Supreme Court decision? d. In paragraph #8 Dr.
King references the 1773 Boston Tea Party. Why is he using this incident in American history in his discussion of civil disobedience in 1960’s Birmingham? e. In paragraph #10 Dr. King invokes Lincoln and Jefferson as extremists. Do you agree/disagree with this characterization of them by Dr.
King? Explain. f. Finally, in paragraph #10 Dr. King foresees a more ‘globalization’ of extremism when he states the world is in need of extremism. Was he correct? Explain.
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Analysis of Abraham Lincoln's Lyceum Address and Martin Luther King Jr.’s "Letter from Birmingham Jail"Introduction
Abraham Lincoln’s "Lyceum Address," delivered in 1838, is one of the foundational speeches that contributed to his emerging political philosophy and understanding of law, justice, and civic responsibility. Grounded in the context of his time, it reflects a deep concern for the fragility of the rule of law in the face of mob violence and the deterioration of societal norms. Similarly, Martin Luther King Jr.’s "Letter from Birmingham Jail," composed in 1963, addresses the pressing issues of justice and moral responsibility in the face of systemic racism and injustice. This essay will draw critical parallels between the themes in Lincoln's address and King’s letter, highlighting their perspectives on justice, the rule of law, civil disobedience, and what it means to be an active participant in democracy.
Injustice and the Imperatives of Justice
Dr. King emphasizes the universality of injustice, stating, "I am in Birmingham because injustice is here" (King, 1963). He contends that "injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere," emphasizing our shared responsibility to address injustice in all forms. This sentiment is mirrored in Lincoln's mounting concern over mob justice threatening the foundations of the Republic. Both figures articulate that apathy or passivity in the face of wrongdoing negatively impacts the societal fabric. King’s experience in Birmingham highlights moral urgency and communal interdependence. Thus, he notions that individuals cannot dissociate from the injustices experienced by others, resonating with Lincoln's warning against the erosion of lawful order in society (King, 1963; Lincoln, 1838).
Liberty and the Right to Resist Oppression
In paragraph three of the letter, Dr. King draws a parallel to Patrick Henry's cry of “Give me liberty or give me death,” illustrating the profound desire for freedom underscored by personal sacrifice (King, 1963). Lincoln, too, underscores the gravity of maintaining liberty, elucidating the dangers of mob rule that could pervert justice. While Henry's defiance sprang from a revolutionary spirit, King’s actions stem from a response to systemic oppression. Both orators assert a moral justification for resisting oppression, advocating for freedom as a communal struggle—one that was central to both the American Revolution and the Civil Rights Movement.
Just versus Unjust Laws
King articulates a critical distinction between just and unjust laws in paragraphs four to seven. He states that "a just law is a man-made code that squares with the moral law or the law of God," whereas "an unjust law is a code that is out of harmony with the moral law" (King, 1963). He insists on the necessity of obeying just laws while disobeying unjust ones after a peaceful acceptance of the consequences of such actions. This idea resonates with Lincoln's argument that even flawed laws deserve religious observance until remedied through proper channels. However, King challenges the validity of laws, insisting that injustices call for direct action. He cites the 1954 Supreme Court decision on Brown v. Board of Education, which declared segregation unconstitutional, as a moral benchmark that deems segregation laws unjust and, therefore, worthy of disobedience (King, 1963).
Civil Disobedience as a Tool for Justice
In paragraph eight, Dr. King references the Boston Tea Party, a historic act of civil disobedience, to resonate with his audience on the justification of defiance against unjust laws (King, 1963). By invoking this revolutionary action, King draws a historical parallel that legitimizes his nonviolent resistance to segregation laws in Birmingham. Lincoln's Lyceum Address similarly cautioned against complacency in the face of lawlessness, suggesting that individuals must actively uphold the law against the encroachments of mob violence. Both leaders advocate for a principled disobedience that nurtures the enduring values of democracy.
Extremism and Civic Responsibility
In paragraph ten, Dr. King characterizes Lincoln and Jefferson as "extremists" for justice, suggesting that true moral action often requires radical deviation from an unjust status quo (King, 1963). He insists that such extremism can be benevolent, echoing Lincoln’s calls for commitment to moral integrity even amidst dissent. This characterization may raise the question of whether it is appropriate to label historical figures as extremists. While King champions the moral clarity embodied by these leaders, some might view the term "extremist" negatively, emphasizing the necessity for reform within the legal framework rather than advocating vehement rebellion.
Globalization of Extremism
Lastly, King envisions a world rife with a "globalization of extremism," wherein the establishment of justice necessitates extreme measures to counter oppressive regimes (King, 1963). This prescient view reveals an understanding of systemic injustice that transcends national borders, finally asserting that justice must be fought for universally. Lincoln's assessment of the potential descent into lawlessness parallels King’s assertion that a failure to uphold justice leads societies towards fragility and impending failure. Both Lincoln and King recognize that the values and institutions upholding democracy can only thrive with active safeguarding by the populace.
Conclusion
In summation, the political philosophies of Abraham Lincoln and Martin Luther King Jr. converge on critical issues regarding justice, the rule of law, and civil disobedience. Both figures highlight the necessity of distinction between just and unjust laws while asserting the moral obligation of citizenry to resist injustices facing their communities. Their respective addresses compel future generations to reaffirm commitments to democracy through conscious engagement, equality, and moral responsibility. As historical texts, both the Lyceum Address and King's Letter from Birmingham Jail serve as immortal calls to action for individuals to confront injustice and safeguard the institutions of liberty for generations to come.
References
1. King, M. L. Jr. (1963). "Letter from Birmingham Jail."
2. Lincoln, A. (1838). "Lyceum Address."
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6. Hill, C. W. (2014). "Engaging Tradition: King, Lincoln, and Nonviolent Resistance." Journal of Historical Sociology.
7. Duffy, C. (2018). "Civil Disobedience from Lincoln to King." American Journal of Political Science.
8. Arnett, R. C. (2011). "Revisiting the Rhetoric of Justice: Lincoln and King." Communication Studies.
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10. Gannon, G. (2019). "Identity and Justice: A Comparative Analysis of King and Lincoln." Journal of Civil Rights Law.