Mastery of statistics involves not only the ability to generate sound statistica
ID: 357670 • Letter: M
Question
Mastery of statistics involves not only the ability to generate sound statistical data, but also the ability to critically evaluate the statistical analysis of others. The latter is the focus of the Critical Review assignment in MGMT 650. A review, or critique, is not a summary or a simple retelling of the major findings in a research article. It is much more. It assesses how well the researcher carries out the required steps in the research process.
Elements of the critique
Summary of the article (Discuss what the article is about) This part SHOULD NOT include any of your personal input but rather just summarize what the author did in his/her research.
Research Topic
What question is the researcher trying to answer?
Research Methodology
How did the researcher study the topic? Survey? Experiment? Statistical Analysis?
Briefly answer who, what, where, and when, and how.
Major Conclusions
What does the author conclude?
What recommendations does he make?
This section should be about 1.5 pages in general.
The next part is the key of the critique. This next sections of your paper gives an assessment of how well the research was conducted based on what you learned. Remember you can use your own personal experience and outside articles to help you support your point of view in this section of the assignment.
In-depth critique of the article (Discuss how well the research is conducted in your own words)
Write a brief paragraph for each of the following listed elements in your own words:
Purpose
Is the research problem clearly stated? Is it easy to determine what the researcher intends to research?
Literature Review
Is the review logically organized?
Does it offer a balanced critical analysis of the literature?
Is the majority of the literature of recent origin?
Is it empirical in nature?
Objectives/hypotheses
Has a research question or hypothesis been identified?
Is it clearly stated?
Is it consistent with discussion in the literature review?
Ethical Standards Applied
Were the participants fully informed about the nature of the research?
Was confidentiality guaranteed?
Were participants protected from harm?
Operational Definitions
Are all terms, theories, and concepts used in the study clearly defined?
Methodology
Is the research design clearly identified?
Has the data gathering instrument been described?
Is the instrument appropriate? How was it developed?
Were reliability and validity testing undertaken and the results discussed?
Was a pilot study undertaken?
Data Analysis/Results
What type of data and statistical analysis was undertaken? Was it appropriate?
How many of the sample participated? Significance of the findings?
Discussion
Are the findings linked back to the literature review?
If a hypothesis was identified was it supported?
Were the strengths and limitations of the study including generalizability discussed?
Was a recommendation for further research made?
References
Were all the books, journals and other media alluded to in the study accurately referenced?
Conclusion
Considering all of the evaluation categories, is the article well or poorly researched?
here is the article:
Abstract Beginning childbearing during adolescence is consistently linked with negative outcomes for both children and parents. Many have attributed this association to maternal background characteristics which are often difficult to change through policy. Though maternal educational attainment is often a side effect of adolescent childbearing, it also represents a potential avenue through which we can help young mothers overcome the obstacles associated with an early birth. The data for this study come from the 1997 Child Development Supplement of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, a nationally representative sample of mothers and their children (N = 3,193). Data are used to explore the cognitive stimulation and emotional support in the home, measured using the HOME Scale (Caldwell and Bradley in Home observation for measurement of the environment. University of Arkansas at Little Rock, Little Rock, 1984). OLS regression models how maternal education moderates the association between age at first birth and quality of children’s home environment. Adolescent mothers scored significantly lower on the indicator of home environment than older mothers. However, when continuing education was considered, maternal age at first birth was no longer significantly associated with the home environment. The negative consequences of early births were mediated by adolescent mothers’ continuing education efforts. While interventions are needed to reduce adolescent childbearing, these results highlight the need to ensure that adolescent mothers are provided support to continue their education following delivery. The negative consequences of adolescent births are not inevitable. Encouraging school retention may help young mothers form a safe, healthy, nurturing, and developmentally appropriate home environment. Keywords Adolescent childbearing Education Child development Home environment Introduction After over a decade of declining adolescent birth rates, recent data indicate an increase in the rate of adolescent births [2]. For women aged 15–19 years, the birth rate in 2006 was 41.9 births per 1,000 females, a three to four percent increase compared to previous years. Nearly half a million infants are born to adolescent mothers every year in the United States. For most adolescents, these births are unexpected and have long reaching implications for both mothers and children [3, 4]. Children born to adolescent mothers are at a greater risk for a variety of negative behavioral and developmental outcomes across the life course. Children born to adolescent mothers are more likely to have both internalizing and externalizing behavior problems [5–14]. Children with adolescent mothers also have lower reading and math scores during childhood and poorer academic trajectories through adolescence [15–17]. Compared to children born to adult mothers, children born to adolescent mothers are also at greater risk for growing up in home environments marked by lower emotional and cognitive support [18, 19]. Adolescent mothers fare less well in evaluations and observations of their home environments than older mothers. Early childbearing is K. Sullivan (&) J. Clark B. Castrucci R. Samsel V. Fonseca I. Garcia Office of Program Decision Support, Texas Department of State Health Services, 123 Matern Child Health J (2011) 15:360–366 DOI 10.1007/s10995-010-0585-8 linked with difficulties in constructing a safe and developmentally appropriate home environment for children. New research has indicated that many of these disadvantages in children’s home environment and development may be attributed to mothers’ family background and sociodemographic characteristics rather than to the timing of first birth. Adolescent mothers are more likely to come from families with fewer resources, poorer neighborhoods, and more family instability [5, 10, 14, 17, 20, 21, 22]. Research also suggests that young mothers have lower levels of educational attainment and aspirations than women who delay childbearing [23–25]. Adolescent mothers are more likely to drop out of school and receive no postsecondary education [26–29]. In previous studies, mothers’ educational attainment has been grouped into the broad range of family of origin and sociodemographic factors that increase the likelihood that women will have an adolescent birth and thus lead to negative outcomes for their children. This range of variables, like annual household income or family structure, are often defined as static variables and not easily changed through policy or interventions. However, a mother’s educational attainment may be better understood as a dynamic variable that can change over the course of her child’s life. Maternal educational attainment can and often does change after first birth. Over the course of young adulthood, many adolescent mothers are able to catch up to their counterparts and achieve comparable rates of high school completion [18, 30, 31]. The rebound in educational attainment that some adolescent mothers experience by later adulthood may also be paralleled by higher quality home environments mothers are able to establish for their children. Continuing education after an adolescent birth may hold promise for mitigating the negative consequences of early childbearing on child development. Taking advantage of the longitudinal and intergenerational nature of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and the Child Development Supplement, we investigate how maternal age at first birth and educational attainment impacts children’s home environments. We examine whether continuing education mitigates the negative relationship between adolescent childbearing and home environments. Though lower educational attainment is often a side effect of adolescent childbearing, encouraging continuing educational efforts represents a potential avenue through which we can help young parents overcome the obstacles associated with an early birth. Data and Methods The data for this study come from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID). This survey was started in 1968 with 4,800 families, a national probability sample of households in 1967, and was supplemented with a Latino/ Hispanic sample added in 1990. The survey was repeated on an annual basis until 1997 when assessments took place every other year. In 1997, a sample of PSID families with children younger than 13 was selected for the Child Development Supplement (CDS-I). This sample consisted of one or two children from selected families (N = 3,563) and included an oversample of low-income and minority families. This supplement to the PSID original survey was intended to provide an in depth look at child development. This study uses an analysis sample of CDS-I families with complete data on maternal education, marital history, and the focal child development outcome (n = 3,193). The primary outcome measure for this study was an observational measure of cognitive stimulation and emotional support parents provide children, known as the Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment Scale (HOME) [1]. The HOME Scale is based on observations and interviews conducted at the family’s home and is widely used [32–35]. Depending on the child’s age, the home environment was assessed for specific conditions, facilities, and the social and emotional tone of mother– child interactions. Higher scores indicate better, more supportive home environments, the score ranging from 7 to 24. One of four comparable versions of the HOME Scale was administered depending on the child’s age at assessment: infant/toddler, early childhood, middle childhood, or early adolescence. Mothers of these children were classified into one of three categories depending on age at first birth. The three groups included women who were younger than 18 at first birth, 18–19 years old, and 20 years or older. These categories were created based on previous literature while also ensuring adequate cell sizes for each category [3, 17]. The PSID collected information annually on the educational attainment of all members of participating households. To capture a dynamic indicator of maternal education attainment, mothers’ education level was based on two measurements: women’s grade level at the time their first child was born and highest grade achieved when their children participated in the CDS-I in 1997. A three level variable was constructed to represent education prior to first birth: not a high school graduate, a high school graduate, and had attended some college. Continuing education efforts were determined by changes in educational attainment by 1997. Changes were based on improvements in education defined as graduating from high school or attending at least some college. Several control variables were also constructed based on factors determined to be influential on children’s home environment in previous work. Demographic variables included child’s age and gender, maternal race/ethnicity, Matern Child Health J (2011) 15:360–366 361 123 and family structure. Maternal race/ethnicity was categorized as non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black/African American, Hispanic, and Other. Family structure was measured by mother’s marital status at birth, the presence of a father figure in 1997, and presence of siblings. The indicator of socioeconomic well being was computed from reports of Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) receipt from 1994 through 1997 to determine exposure to poverty during childhood. AFDC was awarded to families with children and low or no income. Plan of Analysis The goal of the analyses is to examine variance in home environments by timing of first birth and maternal educational attainment. We focus on first births that occurred while women were younger than 18 years old to determine if continuing education can make up for the disparity in these families home environments. Analyses explore whether educational attainment after first birth helps mothers rebound from early births, thereby mitigating the negative consequences of having an early birth. The first step of the analysis includes bivariate analyses of home environment by maternal age at first birth and educational attainment. The second step of the analysis involves multivariate regression analyses to isolate the association between continuing education and age at first birth on home environment. As the HOME score is a continuous variable, Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression will be used to model the linear association between the home environment and timing of first birth and maternal education. Coefficients from OLS regression models can be used to predict HOME scores, adjusted for variables in the model. Model 1 provides a baseline examination of the association between timing of first birth and home environment. Model 2 examines whether continuing education efforts moderate the relationship between age at first birth and home environment. Given the complex sampling nature of the PSID and CDS, complex survey techniques and 1997 sampling weights were used in all analyses. Results Sample Description Half of the children in the sample were female. The average age of children was 7 years. Most mothers identified as non-Hispanic white (67%) while the remaining families were non-Hispanic black (17%), Hispanic (14%), or Other race/ethnicity (3%). On average, mothers were 34 years old at the 1997 assessment. At first birth, most women were at least 20 years old (76%), 15% of women were 18–19 years old, and 9% were less than 18 years old. Most women (71%) were married at first birth. Two-thirds of households reported a father figure was present in the 1997. Over 90% of women reported having more than one child. 13% of families reported receiving AFDC assistance between 1994 and 1997. Forty-one percent of women had not graduated from high school prior to first birth, 22% graduated from high school, and 35% of women had attended at least some college. Measurement of continuing education efforts after first birth revealed that 25% of mothers graduated from high school and 15% of mothers had attended at least some college by 1997. Bivariate Analyses Nearly one out of ten children were born to mothers who were 17 years or younger at first birth. None of these young mothers were able to graduate from high school prior to first birth and over half never graduated from high school. The second group, mothers who were 18-19 years old at first birth, had moderately better educational attainment. Less than 30% of these mothers never graduated from high school. Eighteen percent graduated from high school prior to first birth and 3% attended college prior to first birth. Older mothers, those at least 20 years old at first birth, reported better educational attainment than younger mothers. Only 8% of these women never graduated from high school. Nearly half of the women attended at least some college before first birth. The mean HOME score was 19.4 though HOME scores evidenced significant variation across maternal age at first birth and educational attainment (Table 1). Women who were at least 20 years at first birth received the highest Table 1 Mean HOME scores by independent and control variables N HOME scores Mean 95% Confidence interval Overall 3,193 19.44 19.28–19.60 Maternal age at first birth 8 Years 425 17.41 16.94–17.87 18–19 Years 615 18.11 17.75–18.47 20? Years 2,153 19.95 19.77–20.13 Educational attainment at first birth No high school graduation 1,539 18.30 18.08–18.53 High school graduate 704 19.53 19.18–19.87 Attended at least some college 950 20.67 20.41–20.93 Note: Categories with non-overlapping confidence intervals are significant different 362 Matern Child Health J (2011) 15:360–366 123 mean HOME score at 19.9 (95% CI 19.8–20.1). Adolescent mothers have the lowest mean score at 17.4 (95% CI 19.6– 17.9) though not significantly different than 18 and 19 year old mothers (M = 18.1, 95% CI 17.7–18.5). Mothers who attended at least some college before first birth have the highest mean scores (M = 20.7, 95% CI 20.4–20.9). Mothers who had not graduated from high school had the lowest mean HOME scores (M = 18.3, 95% CI 18.1–18.5). Mothers who had graduated from high school had HOME scores that fell between more and less educated women (M = 19.5, 95% CI 19.2–19.9). These results are likely confounded by maternal age. Independent effects will be explored in the following multivariate analyses and will also explore how continuing education moderates this association. Multivariate Analyses The multivariate analyses explore how maternal educational attainment may moderate the effect of maternal age and education at first birth (Table 2). That is, can continuing education following an adolescent birth mitigate the negative consequences associated with being an adolescent at first birth? Even with child, maternal, and family characteristics as well as maternal education at first birth as control variables, younger mothers received lower HOME scores than households with older mothers. Young mothers received HOME scores that were 3% lower than older mothers. When indicators of continuing education after first birth were included in the model, maternal age at first birth was no longer significantly associated with HOME scores. The negative consequences of an early birth were mediated by women’s continuing education efforts among adolescent mothers and mothers aged 18–19 years. Model 2 demonstrates that there was no significant difference in HOME scores by age. Differences in the home environment are due to variation across categories of educational attainment and continuing education efforts. Regardless of age, mothers who never graduated high school had the lowest HOME scores. These mothers were at the greatest risk for negative home environments while more educated mothers, young and old alike, received higher scores on home environment. In both models, disparity in children’s HOME scores persisted by family structure and race/ethnicity. Even after accounting for education and the other control variables, Hispanic and black children received significantly lower HOME scores than their white counterparts. Similarly, children without a father figure in the household in 1997 scored significantly lower than children living with a father figure. For the adolescent mothers, continuing education efforts generally included returning to and graduating from high school. At first birth, none of these adolescent mothers had graduated from high school. Among those who had not graduated from high school, 46% of the women returned to school to graduate from high school. Very few of the youngest mothers (9%) who had not graduated from high school before first birth went onto attend college by the 1997 assessment. Model 2 indicates that for the youngest mothers, returning to high school or attending some college was associated with significant increases in HOME scores. Young mothers who returned to school had up to 5% higher HOME scores than young mothers who did not return to school. Continuing education for adolescent mothers was associated with more positive home environments for their children. Table 2 OLS regression models for HOME scores Model 1 Model 2 Coefficient SE Coefficient SE Intercept 13.96*** 0.44 13.21*** 0.44 Child characteristics Age in years 0.45*** 0.02 0.45*** 0.02 Gender (Male) Female 0.27* 0.11 0.30** 0.11 Family characteristics Mother’s marital status at first birth -0.19 0.17 -0.15 0.17 Father figure present (1997) 1.87*** 0.14 1.90*** 0.14 Mother had more than 1 child -0.15 0.20 -0.11 0.20 AFDC receipt (1994-1997) -0.11 0.19 0.03 0.19 Maternal characteristics Maternal age (1997) 0.04*** 0.01 0.04** 0.01 Race/ethnicity (White) Black, African American -1.37*** 0.17 -1.39*** 0.17 Hispanic -1.50*** 0.22 -1.23*** 0.21 Other 0.02 0.32 -0.06 0.35 Maternal age at first birth (Older than 20 years) 17 Years and younger -0.51* 0.24 -0.13 0.24 18–19 Years -0.47* 0.20 -0.31 0.20 Maternal education at first birth (Less than HS graduation) HS graduate 0.18 0.19 0.86*** 0.23 Attended at least some college 1.11*** 0.18 1.96*** 0.22 Continuing education efforts by 1997 HS graduate 0.60** 0.20 Attended at least some college 0.92*** 0.19 Note: * P.05, ** P.01, *** P.001 Matern Child Health J (2011) 15:360–366 363 123 Among the 18 and 19 year old mothers, nearly three out of four of these women had not graduated from high school before first birth. Even for these slightly older mothers, the most common continuing education efforts included graduating from high school. Among mothers who had not graduated from high school prior to first birth, 45% of these women returned to finish high school and 12% attended at least some college by 1997. Mothers who returned to school after first birth at age18 or 19 received significantly higher HOME scores, even after controlling for educational attainment at first birth, family structure, and SES indicators among other controls. Among mothers who were 18–19 years old at first birth, continuing education efforts were associated with a 4–10% higher HOME score, a significant increase in the quality of their home environments. Discussion The goal of this study was to explore ways that the negative consequences of adolescent childbearing for child well being can be mitigated by maternal education. Using a nationally representative sample of women and their children, we examined whether continuing education could help adolescent mothers overcome the challenges of an early birth. The results from this study suggest that maternal educational attainment has more lasting effects on children’s well being and development than her age at first birth. Baseline models of the relationship between timing of first birth and home environments revealed that early births are associated with disadvantages in children’s home environments. Adolescent mothers were less likely to construct emotionally and cognitively supportive and engaging environments for their children. Women who delayed childbearing until their adult years provided better home environments. However, this link disappeared when maternal continuing education was considered. Rather, children’s home environments depended more on mothers’ educational attainment and continuing education efforts than the timing of first birth. Continuing education following an adolescent birth was associated with significant improvements in the home environment, increasing the emotional and cognitive support available to children. Mothers who went back to school following early births provided substantially better family environments for their children. The data support previous findings that women are able to overcome the hardships associated with an early birth if they return to school. Many children born to young mothers actually fare quite well suggesting that early childbearing does not ‘‘inevitably or irreversibly’’ lead to lifelong hardships for young mothers and their children [36]. The results from this study suggest that educational attainment is an important factor for helping young mothers improve the long term outcomes for their children, even when mothers return to school after the birth of their first child. These results suggest that encouraging continued educational efforts may be fruitful in helping young mothers overcome the obstacles associated with early births. Studies have also highlighted the importance of making comparisons of maternal age at first birth beyond a dichotomous variable of younger than versus older than 19 years. Researchers and public health officials have specified additional categories such as 15–17 and 18–19 years old at first birth compared to women aged 20–21 and 22 years and older [3, 17]. The data from this study are consistent with this in finding that none of the youngest mothers had graduated from high school prior to first birth and some of the 18–19 year old mothers had already graduated. Though the regression models suggested returning to high school yielded similar benefits for both groups of young mothers, programs developed to help young mothers should consider the disparate barriers to continuing education that very young mothers may face. Programs aimed at 18 year old mothers can have a shorter duration as these adolescents are closer to graduating. Helping a 15 year old mother graduate or complete her GED requires longer interventions as these adolescents may have more ground to cover in order to graduate from high school or receive a GED. Though young mothers who returned to school fared better on the HOME Scale, continuing education efforts did not erase all disparity in home environments. Even after educational attainment and age at first birth were considered, racial/ethnic minority families and single parent families scored considerably lower than their counterparts. Children who were white and lived with a father figure lived in significantly better home environments. Additional research and intervention is required to help minority and single parent families improve their home environments. Additional limitations in this study included the diffi- culty controlling for any inherent and confounding differences that may exist between adolescent and adult mothers. It is unknown if adolescent mothers differ from older mothers in meaningful ways that could account for differences in the home environment (e.g., IQ, mental health, neighborhood characteristics, history of abuse, family size). Though these factors are important to consider, they are often not available in the data, as is the case with PSID and CDS data. Data quality issues are common when using prospective, intergenerational data. Conclusion The costs of adolescent childbearing exceed nine billion dollars annually [3, 4]. Several strategies are needed to 364 Matern Child Health J (2011) 15:360–366 123 reduce these costs. A significant portion of these costs are attributed to the behaviors, needs, and actions of the children of adolescent mothers. While funding and interventions are needed to reduce primary and secondary adolescent childbearing, these results highlight the need to ensure that adolescent mothers are provided support to ensure educational achievement following delivery. Adolescent mothers provide an identifiable target for intensive case management or other interventions that can mediate outcomes through encouraging educational achievement. Investments in the educational attainment of adolescent mothers can be measured in the improved success and reduced costs associated with children of adolescent mothers, as evidenced here. Reducing the costs of adolescent births requires multidimensional strategies. Prevention should be a priority to ensure that adolescent births are avoided. However, when an adolescent birth occurs, it is important to ensure that young mothers have opportunities to continue education. The findings in this study are consistent with the call from others to consider schooling a public health priority, given the benefits associated with educational attainment [37]. Strategies that ensure pregnant and postpartum adolescent mothers can continue to attend school, online educational solutions, and cooperatives with local community colleges to facilitate high school and post-secondary educational attainment are examples of policy and program strategies needed to ensure that one undesired outcome is not allowed to have additional and long lasting negative impacts for the adolescent mothers, their children, and society. This study provides evidence that encouraging school retention and returning to school among adolescent may yield direct benefits for children. Mothers who have greater educational attainment are more likely to provide healthy and supportive home environments for their children. Helping adolescent mothers form a safe, healthy, nurturing, and developmentally appropriate home and family environment for children may depend on educational attainment.
References 1. Caldwell, B. M., & Bradley, R. H. (1984). Home observation for measurement of the environment. Little Rock: University of Arkansas at Little Rock. 2. Martin, J. A., Hamilton, B. E., Sutton, P. D., Ventura, S. J., Menacker, F., & Kirmeyer, S. (2009). Births: Final data for 2006. National Vital Statistics Reports, 55(1), 1–26. 3. Hoffman, S. D., & Maynard, R. A. (2008). Kids having kids: The economic and social consequences of teenage childbearing. Washington, DC: Urban Institute Press. 4. Maynard, R. A. (1997). Kids having kids. Washington, DC: Urban Institute. 5. Pogarsky, G., Thornberry, T. P., & Lizotte, A. J. (2006). Developmental outcomes for children of young mothers. Journal of Marriage and Family, 68, 332–344. 6. Pogarsky, G., Lizotte, A. J., & Thornberry, T. P. (2003). The delinquency of children born to young mothers: Results from the Rochester youth development study. Criminology, 41(4), 1249– 1286. 7. Hofferth, S. L., & Reid, L. (2002). Early childbearing and children’s achievement and behavior over time. Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health, 34(1), 41–49. 8. Barber, J. S. (2001). Ideational influences on the transition to parenthood: Attitudes toward childbearing and competing alternatives. Social Psychology Quarterly, 64(2), 101–127. 9. Geronimus, A. T., Korenman, S., & Hillemeier, M. M. (1994). Does young maternal age adversely affect child development? Evidence from cousin comparisons in the United States. Population and Development Review, 20(3), 585–609. 10. Turley, R. N. L. (2003). Are children of young mothers disadvantaged because of their mother’s age or family background? Child Development, 74(2), 465–474. 11. Jaffee, S., Caspi, A., Moffitt, T., Belsky, J., & Silva, P. (2001). Why are children born to teen mothers at risk for adverse outcomes in young adulthood? Results from a 20-year longitudinal study. Development and Psychopathology, 13(02), 377–397. 12. Cooksey, E. C. (1997). Consequences of young mothers’ marital histories for children’s cognitive development. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 59(2), 245–261. 13. Fergusson, D. M., & Woodward, L. J. (1999). Maternal age and educational and psychosocial outcomes in early adulthood. The Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry and Allied Disciplines, 40(03), 479–489. 14. Nagin, D. S., Pogarsky, G., & Farrington, D. P. (1997). Adolescent mothers and the criminal behavior of their children. Law & Society Review, 31(1), 137–162. 15. Hardy, J. B., Shapiro, S., Astone, N. M., Miller, T. L., BrooksGunn, J., & Hilton, S. C. (1997). Adolescent childbearing revisited: The age of inner-city mothers at delivery is a determinant of their children’s self-sufficiency at age 27 to 33. Pediatrics, 100(5), 802–809. 16. Hardy, J. B., Astone, N. M., Brooks-Gunn, J., Shapiro, S., &
Explanation / Answer
1.Summary of the Article:
The research is about finding the effect of continuing education on the negetive effect of adolescent mother after their first birth below the age of 18.The researcher tries to implement a relation between the timing of first birth and home environment from the data sample collected.Also he examines wheather continuing education moderates the relationship between age at first birth and hime environment.The researcher taken the sample with survey of home environment from Panel study of Income dynamics(PSID) and the test was conducted among three groups of women i.e. less than 18 years at first birth,18-19 years and 20 years or older. The study found that maternal education attainment has more effect than on childs home environment than their age of first birth.The research topic creates an awareness among the adolscent mothers that continuing education can create a better future for their children.
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2.Question of resaerch topic
Wheather continuing education for adolscent mother can help them overcoming the obstacles associated with early child birth .
The researcher tried to answer two questions in this context
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Research Methodology
The research methodology is contatining two important elements i.e.
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Major Conclusions
Maternal education has more lasting effect on childs home envirnment and condition than the age of first child birth
Educational attainments are more important to help the child provide a better future and home environment
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Recomendations
Additional research and intervention required to help minority and single parent families improve their home environments
Data quality is to be improved for better study further as it is a paneled data
Some other factors to be considered in future research for better findings